We conducted a phenomenological qualitative study in Luwero district. A qualitative study design was preferred since little information exists concerning male support among married women in rural settings. The use of the study design facilitated an in-depth understanding and exploration. Eligible participants were married women aged 18 to 49 years who had been married for at least the past five years and were residents of the district of study. The approximated number of married women aged 18 to 49 in Luwero District is 86,543. Most married women in the district engage in agricultural activities like small-scale farming for family survival. In addition to the married women, we also interviewed VHTs and community-based women leaders. We interviewed three VHTs and five women leaders.

The study participants who included married women, VHTs, and community-based women leaders were purposively selected to be included in the study. The study area (Luwero District) was also purposively selected based on the high cases of domestic violence recorded in the district during the study period 2023 to 2024.

The sample size of the study was obtained based on the saturation principle as highlighted by Denge & Rakhudu (2020). The initial sample size of the study was 35 participants (25 married women, 5 VHTs, and 5 women leaders). However, we interviewed 22 married women, 3 VHTs, and 5 women leaders. Content analysis using an inductive approach was adopted. The verbatim field notes were cleaned after data collection, not exceeding 24 hours from the time the data was collected. This was done to avoid recall bias and promote quality data transcription. FA read the transcripts several times and developed codes. The final codes were verified by an independent person to avoid subject bias. After, the theme and subthemes, along with the quotes, were generated.

The data processing and analysis were carried out concurrently, following a structured approach outlined by Robson (2011). This included five key stages: (1) familiarization with the data, which allowed researchers to immerse themselves in the content for a deep understanding, (2) generating initial codes to systematically categorize key pieces of information, (3) identifying themes and subthemes to capture patterns within the data, (4) constructing thematic networks and making comparisons to illustrate relationships between themes and assess consistency, and (5) integration and interpretation, where themes were synthesized to draw meaningful conclusions. This comprehensive analysis technique ensured that all relevant insights were captured and systematically analyzed, leading to a robust understanding of the qualitative data generated from the field.

Data were collected using a focus group discussion guide (FGD) for married women. And a key informant interview (KII) guide for village health teams (VHTs). The data collection tools clearly outlined the areas of focus relevant to answering the research questions. Interviews were audio- taped, and the recordings facilitated data transcription. The interview session for the FGDs lasted between 45 minutes to 1 hour, while the KII lasted approximately 30 minutes.

Ethical approval and clearance were obtained from Nkumba University Post Graduate. The researcher adhered to the guidelines for Clarke International University Research Ethics Committee (REC). The Uganda National Council of Science and Technology (UNCST) provided a letter to the researcher to be presented in Luwero District, Local Government, and the Sub- counties selected for the research exercise. Full consent was obtained from the participants before the study. Professional ethics and conduct were observed, and guidelines on ethical principles were followed. The intention of the study was made known to the participants verbally and in writing on the research tools. The principle of honesty was upheld throughout the research process, with the works of cited individuals properly acknowledged. The researcher addressed the aspect of confidentiality and obtained personal consent to participate in the study through signed consent forms, ensuring that the respondents were not deprived of their rights.

Economic support entails men’s contribution to household financial stability, including paying for children’s education, providing for daily needs, and supporting women’s entrepreneurial activities. Findings indicate that economic masculinity support is minimal, forcing women to shoulder financial responsibilities alone. Under this theme, three subthemes emerged, including low engagement in family affairs, lack of financial support, and cultural traditions and Women’s insecurity.

The majority of men have abandoned their responsibilities, leaving women to foot bills and make ends meet. Women are seen to engage in school fees provision for their children, and ensure they receive basic needs.

“These men of Kamira, they don’t know the value of education… they don’t pay school fees.” (FGD: P04)

Many men prioritize personal interests over family financial responsibilities. One respondent stated,

“Most women are responsible for the household expenses, as men prioritize their interests over family needs”. (FGD: P07)

Married women reported a lack of financial support from their male counterparts, which makes accessing health facilities hard. This has led women to resort to traditional medicine use. A community development officer explained:

“Sometimes I can’t afford transport fare to seek medical care, and my husband never supports me financially when it comes to seeking medical care” (FGD: P01)

“I foot my medical bills, which is expensive sometimes. I resorted to herbal medicine, which is readily available and cheaper” (FGD: P09).

Many women turn to informal labor and cooperative groups to generate income. A woman’s leader highlighted the burden placed on women to provide for their children’s education:

“Men have neglected their responsibility of paying school fees. It’s the women who are toiling hard, joining these cooperative groups to earn something to pay for their children’s school fees.” (KII: P02)

The qualitative findings show that while many women in Luwero face structural challenges in education, food security, healthcare, and housing, their resilience shines through in efforts like cooperative savings groups and small-scale farming to make ends meet.

Deeply ingrained cultural norms dictate that men have ultimate control over major financial and household decisions. The autonomy men have over assets prevents women from making certain financial decisions that may benefit the home due to the predominant culture that sees women through the lens of being unworthy to own property.

“A woman cannot sell an animal even if she bought it. When she tries, the husband will say, ‘That is my property.” (FGD: P05)

Another participant added:

“The moment he sees you making money, he will start controlling you. Even if it is your poultry, you must ask for permission to sell.” (FGD: P07)

This restriction on financial autonomy not only limits women’s ability to make independent economic choices but also reinforces their dependency on their husbands for financial security. Cultural traditions in Luwero dictate that land is a male-dominated resource, with women often being denied control over its use. One woman in the FGD explained:

“Even if you have a piece of land, you must first get permission before planting anything. If he doesn’t approve, you can’t touch the land.” (FGD: P01)

Another participant emphasized the insecurity of women’s land rights:

“Most of us women do not own land. We either live on our husband’s land or are renting. If a woman is not married, it is even worse.” (FGD: P03)

These restrictions limit women’s ability to engage in agricultural productivity, affecting food

security and financial independence within households.

Emotional support refers to the extent to which men provide psychological and emotional backing to their wives and families. Interviews revealed that most men in Luwero District do not actively support their wives emotionally. Under this theme, 4 subthemes of emotional neglect, women as providers of emotional support, lack of emotional responsiveness, and emotional support driven by institutional policy.

Women expressed frustration with the cultural belief that men should remain emotionally distant and authoritative. One respondent stated,

“Men are the overall in each and everything. It’s very rare to find a man helping his wife in different ways.” (FGD: P014)

This lack of emotional support contributes to stress, emotional isolation, and an increased risk of depression among women. One participant highlighted the stigma surrounding women expressing emotional struggles, saying,

“Culture states that things of the house should not be expressed outside the house.” (FGD: P05)

The absence of active listening and empathy from male partners exacerbates women's emotional distress, negatively affecting their wellbeing.

The results reveal that cultural norms in Luwero strongly shape gender roles in emotional care. Emotional expression and support are traditionally viewed as women’s responsibilities, while men are expected to be stoic decision-makers. This reinforces a societal expectation that men should not engage deeply in emotional matters.

“Men are the overall in each and everything... It’s very rare to find a man helping his wife emotionally.” (KII: P03)

Women also described feeling unheard in times of distress, with some mentioning that their husbands dismiss their pain as insignificant. The lack of emotional responsiveness from men has left many women feeling isolated, particularly in moments of personal or family crises. Additionally, many women reported that while their husbands may provide financial support, they often fail to recognize or acknowledge their wives' emotional struggles. Cultural expectations reinforce the notion that women should endure stress silently, while men focus on practical responsibilities.

One woman expressed her frustration:

“They think as long as they provide food and school fees, everything is fine. They don’t ask how we are feeling, what is troubling us.” (FGD: P19)

This mindset leaves many women to navigate stress alone, with emotional distress often dismissed as trivial. Addressing these deep-rooted beliefs and encouraging emotional openness between spouses could significantly improve women’s mental wellbeing in Luwero. Additionally, men’s willingness to escort their wives to the hospital is often influenced by cultural and situational factors. A woman's group leader in one of the FGDs explained,

"Very few men support women socially and economically. It's rare for men to escort their wives to hospitals due to cultural beliefs that the man is the head of the family, and such tasks are seen as beneath them." (FGD: P012)

This statement highlights how traditional gender roles discourage men from participating in caregiving activities.

Where institutional policies demand that men be part of a cause, women are seen to present with their husbands. Some women noted that men were more likely to accompany them to antenatal visits, especially when healthcare providers required their presence. One woman shared,

"When I was pregnant, my husband had to come with me to the hospital because the midwife said husbands needed to attend at least one session. Otherwise, he would not have come." (FGD: P02)

This suggests that institutional policies, such as requiring male involvement in maternal healthcare, may be a key factor in encouraging men to participate in their wives’ health-related needs. Nonetheless, outside of pregnancy, many women still report a lack of support. One participant stated,

"When I have malaria or a headache, my husband tells me to go to the hospital alone because he is busy. But when he is sick, he expects me to stop everything and take care of him." (FGD: P20)

Physical masculinity support refers to men’s involvement in domestic chores, healthcare assistance, and other physically supportive roles. Under this theme, 2 themes emerged, including shared domestic responsibilities and lack of physical presence during sickness.

Data from interviews indicate that men in Luwero District rarely engage in such activities. One respondent noted,

“A man is the head, and the wife is the slave. She has to do everything.” (FGD: P04)

Most men do not assist with tasks such as cooking, washing, or fetching water, leaving these responsibilities entirely to women. One interviewee commented,

“Most of the men don’t fetch water, don’t wash clothes, and don’t cook. It’s like they were trained to just sit and watch.” (FGD: P011)

This lack of participation increases the physical burden on women, affecting their health and overall wellbeing. These findings provide deeper insights into this perception. Women in the focus group discussions (FGDs) consistently highlighted the cultural rigidity surrounding cooking, with one participant stating,

"In our culture, a man who cooks is seen as weak. Even when we are sick, men will wait for us to prepare food or they will find alternatives, like eating at a restaurant or asking another woman to cook." (FGD: P03)

Another participant added,

"My husband has never stepped into the kitchen. Even when I was recovering from childbirth, I had to struggle to cook for the family." (FGD: P10)

These responses highlight the deeply ingrained societal norms that prevent men from participating in household duties, even in situations where their wives are unwell or physically incapable of performing the task. The qualitative findings also suggest that cooking is not just seen as a gendered responsibility but also as a sign of masculinity. One respondent noted.

"If a man is seen cooking, people start questioning whether he is still the head of the house. It is shameful for him." (FGD: P014)

This perception discourages many men from engaging in meal preparation, even when their wives are burdened with multiple responsibilities.

Men have been reported to show limited physical support in health-related matters. One respondent observed. This lack of physical presence contributes to women’s emotional and psychological stress, as they feel unsupported during critical moments.

“Most men do not escort their wives to the hospital, even when they are very sick. They prefer to send money instead.” (FGD: P08)

“My husband does not assist in washing clothes when I am sick. He will wash only his clothes and leave mine or the children's clothes.” (FDG: P12)

Another respondent explained that some men deliberately avoid assisting because they believe it undermines their authority:

"Men see it as degrading. They say, 'If I start washing clothes, what will people think of me?’ So, even when you are sick, you must find a way to do it." (FGD: P017)

This finding underscores the extent to which caregiving and household maintenance are seen as exclusively female responsibilities, even when a woman is unable to fulfill them due to illness.